Jockey Club Live Foal Report Shows Declines in Foals Born, Active Stallions

The Jockey Club today reported that 1,552 stallions covered 31,198 mares in North America during 2019, according to statistics compiled through Sept. 29, 2020. These breedings have resulted in 19,677 live foals of 2020 being reported to The Jockey Club on Live Foal Reports.

The Jockey Club estimates that the number of live foals reported so far is approximately 85-90 percent complete. The reporting of live foals of 2020 is down 3.4 percent from last year at this time when The Jockey Club had received reports for 20,363 live foals of 2019.

In addition to the 19,677 live foals of 2020 reported through Sept. 29, The Jockey Club also received 2,476 No Foal Reports for the 2020 foaling season. Ultimately, the 2020 registered foal crop is projected to reach 20,500.

The number of stallions declined 4.8 percent from the 1,630 reported for 2018 at this time last year, while the number of mares bred declined 4.0 percent from the 32,508 reported for 2018.

The 2019 breeding statistics are available alphabetically by stallion name through the Resources – Fact Book link on The Jockey Club homepage at jockeyclub.com.

Kentucky annually leads all states and provinces in terms of Thoroughbred breeding activity. Kentucky-based stallions accounted for 55.3 percent of the mares reported bred in North America in 2019 and 60.2 percent of the live foals reported for 2020.

The 17,240 mares reported bred to 228 Kentucky stallions in 2019 have produced 11,851 live foals, a 2.9 percent decrease on the 12,200 Kentucky-sired live foals of 2019 reported at this time last year. The number of mares reported bred to Kentucky stallions in 2019 decreased 1.2 percent compared to the 17,446 reported for 2018 at this time last year.

Among the 10 states and provinces with the most mares covered in 2019, three produced more live foals in 2020 than in 2019 as reported at this time last year: Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, and New Mexico. The following table shows the top 10 states and provinces ranked by number of state/province-sired live foals of 2020 reported through Sept. 29, 2020.

  2019 Mares Bred 2019 Live Foals 2020 Live Foals Percent Change in Live Foals
Kentucky 17,240 12,200 11,851 -2.9%
California 2,129 1,612 1,390 -13.8%
Florida 2,024 1,164 1,156 -0.7%
New York 1,080 703 652 -7.3%
Louisiana 1,082 728 647 -11.1%
Pennsylvania 853 339 510 50.4%
Maryland 804 537 506 -5.8%
Ontario 615 377 350 -7.2%
Oklahoma 631 289 342 18.3%
New Mexico 624 307 313 2.0%

The statistics include 429 progeny of stallions standing in North America but foaled abroad, as reported by foreign stud book authorities at the time of publication.

Country Live Foals Country Live Foals
Saudi Arabia 150 Chile 8
Turkey 83 Jamaica 8
Republic of Korea 81 Australia 4
Ireland 38 Germany 2
Japan 23 Peru 2
Great Britain 16 Barbados 1
France 13    

The report also includes 79 mares bred to 14 stallions in North America on Southern Hemisphere time; the majority of these mares have not foaled.

As customary, a report listing the number of mares bred in 2020 will be released later this month.

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ARCI Analysis: McConnell Bill Authorizes Strict Control of Medications in Training

The Association of Racing Commissioners International is preparing an analysis of the newly proposed legislation, the “Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act,” by Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell (R), so the group can prepare for a “smooth transition” should the measure be enacted. Earlier this week, the ARCI released an initial statement looking at the bill's effect on breeders.

The federally sanctioned authority empowered by newly proposed legislation by Senator McConnell will be able to impose strict controls on the use of any therapeutic medications administered to a “covered horse,” effectively setting the stage for a program that could require a veterinarian to receive prior permission before treating the horse with a prescription medication.

Such a system, if implemented, would parallel the “therapeutic use exemption” program in human sport. Under the requirements of the World Anti-Doping Agency code, advance permission must be obtained before a controlled substance is administered to an athlete in training or competition.

Unlike human sport, it is not expected that the new Authority would depart from current ARCI Model Rules or International Federation of Horseracing Authorities standards that prohibit such drugs to be present in the horse when it races.

But S.4547 does give the new Authority powers to control all substances administered to horses under its jurisdiction. Under the proposal, a “covered horse” comes under the jurisdiction of the new Authority after its first timed workout at a racetrack.

The analysis finds that the new Authority could, for the first time, put in place a system to control what some believe is the overuse of certain drugs in the care and preparation of horses intended to race. Whether it will actually do so, the timing of such a change, or how it would work is not yet known.

Given the number of racehorses potentially regulated by the new Authority such a program would require additional resources than what is currently available in the regulatory network in order to review such applications.

State Racing Commissions are not authorized to regulate the practice of veterinary medicine. There has, however, been a trend within the ARCI and the Racing Medication and Testing Consortium to require commission notification of certain treatments and in some limited circumstances advance approval. Current regulatory policy relies largely on the ability of a commission to exclude a horse from competition. In some jurisdictions legal and liability concerns have affected the extent of the changes that could be done.

In July 2019, the ARCI proposed a private regulatory scheme using existing breed registry authority to require submission of all veterinary treatment records, including the diagnosis required for treatments, of all intended racehorses from birth forward, These records would be electronically reviewed to “red flag” horses in need of greater monitoring in order to help regulatory veterinarians assess whether a horse is high risk and should be excluded from competition.

As S.4547 has a greater focus on anti-doping, it does not require such a system. The bill does effectively put the actual horse under the regulatory authority of the new Authority at a uniform and consistent point in its career, eliminating inconsistencies that currently exist in state-based statutes and rules.

It remains unclear whether the Authority will require the submission of all veterinary records or will fall short of what the ARCI had asked the Jockey Club to require in 2019.

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Jockey Club Says USTA ‘Grasping At Straws’ With ‘Underwhelming’ Legal Attack On Horseracing Integrity And Safety Act

The Jockey Club on Wednesday released a response from its general counsel, Marc Summers, to the United States Trotting Association's (USTA) recent assertion that the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act (HISA) is unconstitutional.

In a recent press release, the USTA touts a secret “white paper” purportedly concluding that the HISA is “possibly” unconstitutional. Of course, no one else has set eyes on this white paper. But it is hardly surprising that — after months of USTA opposition to any bill like HISA — the USTA's hired-gun law firm would come up with the USTA's preordained conclusion.

The USTA's unwillingness to release its legal analysis is telling: In reality, HISA is carefully crafted and constitutionally sound. The bill has been rigorously vetted. Many attorneys from different sectors (including Supreme Court and constitutional experts from Akin Gump Strauss Hauer and Feld LLP) have thought through the very issues the USTA raises, because we anticipated that those who oppose the bill for other reasons would lob this type of unfounded attack. In the face of decades of precedent supporting the proposed statutory scheme, none of the USTA's four constitutional arguments withstands scrutiny.

  1. HISA does not violate the non-delegation doctrine. The USTA is correct, of course, that there are important limits on Congress' ability to “grant regulatory authority to private entities.” But that doctrine does not bar private entities from “help[ing] a government agency make its regulatory decisions, for '[t]he Constitution has never been regarded as denying to the Congress the necessary resources of flexibility and practicality' that such schemes facilitate.” Ass'n of Am. Railroads v. United States Dep't of Transp., 721 F.3d 666, 671 (D.C. Cir. 2013) (quoting Pan. Ref. Co. v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388, 421 (1935)), vacated on other grounds, 575 U.S. 43 (2015). As long as a government agency has discretion to approve, disapprove, or modify a private party's proposed regulations, longstanding Supreme Court precedent makes clear that Congress is free to formalize the party's role in the regulatory process.

The Horseracing Integrity and Safety Authority (Authority) designated in HISA is subject to the oversight and approval of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) in at least two critical respects. On the front end, the Authority must file any proposed rules (or rule changes) with the FTC, which must subject the rules to proper notice-and-comment and agency-approval procedures. Without the FTC's approval, the rules cannot take effect and have no binding legal force. On the back end, all sanctions imposed by the Authority “shall be subject to review by an administrative law judge” appointed by the FTC, subject to yet further review by the commissioners. Far from the “exalted brooding” the USTA criticizes, these statutorily mandated constraints ensure the FTC's ultimate responsibility for any meaningful action carried out under the HISA.

This relationship mirrors the enduring and effective model adopted by the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). FINRA is a private, independent, nonprofit, self-regulatory organization that participates in the regulation of the securities brokerage industry, subject to SEC oversight. As with the proposed Authority-FTC scheme, FINRA rules must be approved by the SEC and FINRA's disciplinary actions are subject to SEC review. Courts considering challenges to FINRA on the non-delegation grounds that the USTA's press release trumpets consistently have held that the contentions have “no merit.”

Grasping at straws, the USTA warns about (undefined) “law-enforcement powers” that “would be free from FTC oversight.” As an initial matter, the predicate for USTA's warning is false: Any powers carried out by the Authority, whether analogized to “law-enforcement powers” or not, would be cabined by specific rules the FTC adopts and specific review the FTC conducts over any resulting sanctions. In any event, the Authority's investigatory powers also parallel those that FINRA routinely carries out with respect to securities brokers and firms. In fact, other statutory schemes — such as Congress' express grant of broad investigatory authority to the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency (USADA), a private entity recognized as the official anti-doping agency for Olympic sports — impose far fewer constraints on self-regulatory organizations than the FINRA-SEC and Authority-FTC models impose.

  1. Hedging its non-delegation challenge, the USTA alleges that the HISA may run afoul of the Appointments Clause and Article II removal restrictions. But the USTA does not acknowledge, let alone resolve, the tension between its two arguments: The non-delegation theory rests on the notion that HISA delegates regulatory authority to a private entity. Meanwhile, the Appointments Clause and removability concerns apply only to federal (i.e., non-private) entities. The fact that the pre-existing Authority designated by HISA is private — as USTA emphasizes to support its non-delegation challenge — dooms any Appointments Clause or removability challenge.
  2. USTA's due process theory fares no better. Ignoring the exceedingly difficult standard for bringing a successful claim under the Due Process Clause, the press release vaguely cautions against “economically self-interested private actors.” But the Authority's only interest is improving the integrity and safety of horse racing. The “capture” theory that the USTA creates out of whole cloth lacks any basis. As the USTA recognizes, the majority of the Authority's board members are “independent” (i.e., from outside the equine industry). To be sure, the remaining board members will have industry experience and engagement. But it is difficult to understand how that statutory recognition of the value of informed voices constitutes a deprivation of due process. What's more, with respect to that minority group of board members, HISA expressly provides for equal representation among each of the six equine constituencies (trainers, owners and breeders, tracks, veterinarians, state racing commissions, and jockeys). And the committee tasked with nominating eligible candidates for board and standing-committee positions is made up of entirely non-industry members. The HISA further imposes broad conflicts-of-interest requirements to ensure that all board members and independent standing committee members (and their employees and family members) are free of all equine conflicts of interest.

All those safeguards mean the Authority's board will be even more constrained from self-dealing than the leadership of other self-regulatory organizations, including FINRA. Regardless, established precedent confirms what common sense indicates: Even when a private entity is engaged in the regulatory process, agency authority and surveillance serve as adequate guards against any promotion of self-interest. See, e.g., Sunshine Anthracite Coal Co. v. Adkins, 310 U.S. 381, 399 (1940). The FTC's ability to overrule the Authority's proposed rules and sanctions ensures that neither the Authority nor the individuals making up its board can “use their position for their own advantage — to the disadvantage of their fellow citizens.” Pittston Co. v. United States, 368 F.3d 385, 398 (4th Cir. 2004).

  1. Finally, no part of HISA commands states to do anything to which they don't freely agree. Instead of requiring the states to undertake any particular duties, the bill presents them with genuine choices: They can work with the Authority to effect the anti-doping program or they can relieve themselves of enforcement activity, with the Authority implementing the horse racing anti-doping and medication control program in the state. Further, the weakness in the USTA's anti-commandeering argument is laid bare by its reliance on an incorrect quotation from the bill. Rather than providing that “State law enforcement authorities shall cooperate and share information with the Authority,” the bill directs the Authority “to cooperate and share information” with state and federal law enforcement authorities whenever its investigation into violations of the horse racing anti-doping and medication control program uncovers a violation of state or federal law.

For all its grandstanding, the USTA's bottom line (apparently quoting its attorneys) is underwhelming to say the least: The “enactment would lead to extensive litigation and the possible invalidation of the statute.” Anyone can sue over anything — the mere existence of litigation says nothing about its likelihood of success. These are the facts: The HISA is ground firmly in 70 years of precedent and the Authority-FTC relationship closely parallels the long-running FINRA-SEC model. However, anything is “possible.” It is possible to place a winning trifecta bet six races in a row. But it is not likely. If Congress rejected every bill that could be litigated and “possibly” invalidated, it would never enact a new law.

The HISA is on solid constitutional footing.

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ARCI Preparing Analysis Of New Integrity Bill; Breeders To Pay For Anti-Doping, Medication Enforcement

The newly proposed legislation, the “Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act,” by Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell will, for the first time, put the Thoroughbred breeding industry under racing regulation and require breeders help pay for the sport's anti-doping and medication enforcement programs.

An analysis is being prepared on behalf of the Association of Racing Commissioners International so the group can prepare for a “smooth transition” should the measure be enacted.

In December, 2017 the ARCI called for closing the “regulatory gap” to better protect horses by requiring oversight – publicly or privately – of those segments of the industry that do not fall under the authority of a state racing commission. Such expansion of regulatory authority at the state or federal level would require legislation and industry support, which did not materialize.

The McConnell bill falls short of what the ARCI had envisioned, but does require Breeders register with the newly formed NGO (non-governmental organization) and to be considered as “covered persons” eligible for assessments to help pay for the proposed Authority and its Enforcement Agency. Costs associated with this program have yet to be disclosed but are expected to be in excess of the total funds now being paid by all the state agency programs currently in existence. Costs assessed by the new Authority may depend on the extent to which the existing state based enforcement infrastructure is used.

The bill also requires the disclosure of horses that have been treated with bisphosphonate drugs.

In July, 2019, the ARCI formally requested The Jockey Club institute a private program of equine welfare regulation using their existing authority and special status in all state racing rulebooks. No federal or state legislation would be required for such a program.

The ARCI advocated for horses not yet under the jurisdiction of a racing commission to require submission of all veterinary records and perform suitability reviews that could be used to better identify horses in need of increased monitoring as a safeguard. “The brutal reality is that some horses needs to be monitored more aggressively and this can only be done by an entity with existing authority to do so or with one specifically empowered by statute,” Martin said, noting that RCI continues to assess whether the McConnell bill will accomplish this.

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