Jockey Club Says USTA ‘Grasping At Straws’ With ‘Underwhelming’ Legal Attack On Horseracing Integrity And Safety Act

The Jockey Club on Wednesday released a response from its general counsel, Marc Summers, to the United States Trotting Association's (USTA) recent assertion that the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act (HISA) is unconstitutional.

In a recent press release, the USTA touts a secret “white paper” purportedly concluding that the HISA is “possibly” unconstitutional. Of course, no one else has set eyes on this white paper. But it is hardly surprising that — after months of USTA opposition to any bill like HISA — the USTA's hired-gun law firm would come up with the USTA's preordained conclusion.

The USTA's unwillingness to release its legal analysis is telling: In reality, HISA is carefully crafted and constitutionally sound. The bill has been rigorously vetted. Many attorneys from different sectors (including Supreme Court and constitutional experts from Akin Gump Strauss Hauer and Feld LLP) have thought through the very issues the USTA raises, because we anticipated that those who oppose the bill for other reasons would lob this type of unfounded attack. In the face of decades of precedent supporting the proposed statutory scheme, none of the USTA's four constitutional arguments withstands scrutiny.

  1. HISA does not violate the non-delegation doctrine. The USTA is correct, of course, that there are important limits on Congress' ability to “grant regulatory authority to private entities.” But that doctrine does not bar private entities from “help[ing] a government agency make its regulatory decisions, for '[t]he Constitution has never been regarded as denying to the Congress the necessary resources of flexibility and practicality' that such schemes facilitate.” Ass'n of Am. Railroads v. United States Dep't of Transp., 721 F.3d 666, 671 (D.C. Cir. 2013) (quoting Pan. Ref. Co. v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388, 421 (1935)), vacated on other grounds, 575 U.S. 43 (2015). As long as a government agency has discretion to approve, disapprove, or modify a private party's proposed regulations, longstanding Supreme Court precedent makes clear that Congress is free to formalize the party's role in the regulatory process.

The Horseracing Integrity and Safety Authority (Authority) designated in HISA is subject to the oversight and approval of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) in at least two critical respects. On the front end, the Authority must file any proposed rules (or rule changes) with the FTC, which must subject the rules to proper notice-and-comment and agency-approval procedures. Without the FTC's approval, the rules cannot take effect and have no binding legal force. On the back end, all sanctions imposed by the Authority “shall be subject to review by an administrative law judge” appointed by the FTC, subject to yet further review by the commissioners. Far from the “exalted brooding” the USTA criticizes, these statutorily mandated constraints ensure the FTC's ultimate responsibility for any meaningful action carried out under the HISA.

This relationship mirrors the enduring and effective model adopted by the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). FINRA is a private, independent, nonprofit, self-regulatory organization that participates in the regulation of the securities brokerage industry, subject to SEC oversight. As with the proposed Authority-FTC scheme, FINRA rules must be approved by the SEC and FINRA's disciplinary actions are subject to SEC review. Courts considering challenges to FINRA on the non-delegation grounds that the USTA's press release trumpets consistently have held that the contentions have “no merit.”

Grasping at straws, the USTA warns about (undefined) “law-enforcement powers” that “would be free from FTC oversight.” As an initial matter, the predicate for USTA's warning is false: Any powers carried out by the Authority, whether analogized to “law-enforcement powers” or not, would be cabined by specific rules the FTC adopts and specific review the FTC conducts over any resulting sanctions. In any event, the Authority's investigatory powers also parallel those that FINRA routinely carries out with respect to securities brokers and firms. In fact, other statutory schemes — such as Congress' express grant of broad investigatory authority to the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency (USADA), a private entity recognized as the official anti-doping agency for Olympic sports — impose far fewer constraints on self-regulatory organizations than the FINRA-SEC and Authority-FTC models impose.

  1. Hedging its non-delegation challenge, the USTA alleges that the HISA may run afoul of the Appointments Clause and Article II removal restrictions. But the USTA does not acknowledge, let alone resolve, the tension between its two arguments: The non-delegation theory rests on the notion that HISA delegates regulatory authority to a private entity. Meanwhile, the Appointments Clause and removability concerns apply only to federal (i.e., non-private) entities. The fact that the pre-existing Authority designated by HISA is private — as USTA emphasizes to support its non-delegation challenge — dooms any Appointments Clause or removability challenge.
  2. USTA's due process theory fares no better. Ignoring the exceedingly difficult standard for bringing a successful claim under the Due Process Clause, the press release vaguely cautions against “economically self-interested private actors.” But the Authority's only interest is improving the integrity and safety of horse racing. The “capture” theory that the USTA creates out of whole cloth lacks any basis. As the USTA recognizes, the majority of the Authority's board members are “independent” (i.e., from outside the equine industry). To be sure, the remaining board members will have industry experience and engagement. But it is difficult to understand how that statutory recognition of the value of informed voices constitutes a deprivation of due process. What's more, with respect to that minority group of board members, HISA expressly provides for equal representation among each of the six equine constituencies (trainers, owners and breeders, tracks, veterinarians, state racing commissions, and jockeys). And the committee tasked with nominating eligible candidates for board and standing-committee positions is made up of entirely non-industry members. The HISA further imposes broad conflicts-of-interest requirements to ensure that all board members and independent standing committee members (and their employees and family members) are free of all equine conflicts of interest.

All those safeguards mean the Authority's board will be even more constrained from self-dealing than the leadership of other self-regulatory organizations, including FINRA. Regardless, established precedent confirms what common sense indicates: Even when a private entity is engaged in the regulatory process, agency authority and surveillance serve as adequate guards against any promotion of self-interest. See, e.g., Sunshine Anthracite Coal Co. v. Adkins, 310 U.S. 381, 399 (1940). The FTC's ability to overrule the Authority's proposed rules and sanctions ensures that neither the Authority nor the individuals making up its board can “use their position for their own advantage — to the disadvantage of their fellow citizens.” Pittston Co. v. United States, 368 F.3d 385, 398 (4th Cir. 2004).

  1. Finally, no part of HISA commands states to do anything to which they don't freely agree. Instead of requiring the states to undertake any particular duties, the bill presents them with genuine choices: They can work with the Authority to effect the anti-doping program or they can relieve themselves of enforcement activity, with the Authority implementing the horse racing anti-doping and medication control program in the state. Further, the weakness in the USTA's anti-commandeering argument is laid bare by its reliance on an incorrect quotation from the bill. Rather than providing that “State law enforcement authorities shall cooperate and share information with the Authority,” the bill directs the Authority “to cooperate and share information” with state and federal law enforcement authorities whenever its investigation into violations of the horse racing anti-doping and medication control program uncovers a violation of state or federal law.

For all its grandstanding, the USTA's bottom line (apparently quoting its attorneys) is underwhelming to say the least: The “enactment would lead to extensive litigation and the possible invalidation of the statute.” Anyone can sue over anything — the mere existence of litigation says nothing about its likelihood of success. These are the facts: The HISA is ground firmly in 70 years of precedent and the Authority-FTC relationship closely parallels the long-running FINRA-SEC model. However, anything is “possible.” It is possible to place a winning trifecta bet six races in a row. But it is not likely. If Congress rejected every bill that could be litigated and “possibly” invalidated, it would never enact a new law.

The HISA is on solid constitutional footing.

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Longtime Horse Racing Executive Tony Chamblin Passes

Tony Chamblin, a longtime horse racing industry executive and ambassador for the industry passed away peacefully Sunday at his home in Lexington, Ky. He was 81.

Chamblin played an instrumental role in the passage of the Interstate Horse Racing Act of 1978 and the Pari-Mutual Licensing Simplification Act of 1988, and later became an early supporter of federal legislation intended to align U.S. equine medication policies with International standards

Chamblin served in a number of executive capacities during his nearly 50-year career in the horse racing industry while leaving a lasting legacy along the way.

As chief executive of the Horsemen's Benevolent and Protective Association (HBPA) from 1965-1983, Chamblin oversaw the only horsemen's organization of its kind in North America. While headquartered near Washington, D.C., Chamblin played an instrumental role in the passage of the Interstate Horse Racing Act of 1978, a bill that has generated billions of dollars in purse money for owners and trainers and racetrack operators over the past 42 years.

From 1983-86 and at the urging of local horsemen, Chamblin took the helm at Finger Lakes Racetrack in New York. Changes quickly ensued. The western New York oval became one of the first racetracks in the nation to introduce whole card simulcasting. Chamblin also introduced twilight racing and Pick Six wagering to Finger Lakes.

From 1986-2001, Chamblin served as the chief executive of the Association of Racing Commissioners' International (ARCI). During his time with the ARCI, the association completed a decades-long effort to establish a national multi-jurisdictional racing license for owners. The association also completely overhauled its model rules of racing, administered accreditation programs for stewards and judges, developed uniform totalizator standards that cleared the way for massive national simulcasting growth, instituted an accreditation program for drug testing laboratories, funded numerous drug testing research projects, and classified over 750 drugs into five categories. In 1993, Chamblin was honored by the ARCI with the William H. May Award for meritorious service to racing.

Along the way, Chamblin traveled the world promoting U.S. horse racing interests. His work took him to more than 100 racetracks in the United States and Canada. As an ambassador for racing Chamblin was asked to speak on the industry in the United Kingdom, Japan, Germany, Mexico, France, the Middle East, Australia, South America, South Africa and Russia, among other countries.

Anthony (Tony) Chamblin was born May 15, 1939, in Flora, Illinois.  Chamblin graduated from Milliken University in Decatur, Ill., where he majored in English and lettered in football and tennis. In 1961, after graduating college at age 23, Chamblin became the youngest sports editor in the country of a paper with over 100,000 in circulation (Evansville Courier & Press). During his early career as a sports writer and editor Chamblin won the U.S. Basketball Writers award, U.S. Football Writers award, and wrote for Sports Illustrated and Newsweek.  Chamblin has written and edited four books, and also wrote the History of Thoroughbred Racing for World Book Encyclopedia.

While in retirement, Chamblin was proud to advocate for the Water Hay Oats Alliance (WHOA), a grassroots movement supporting federal legislation to eliminate race-day medication and dedicated to changing negative public perceptions of the sport.

Chamblin also publicly endorsed the Horse Racing Integrity Act (HIA) the forerunner to the Horse Racing Integrity and Safety Act (HISA) currently making its way through Congress.

Chamblin, who died of congestive heart failure, is survived by his wife of 31 years, Debbie; two daughters, Margaret McClintock (Tampa) and Kaitlin Chamblin (Lexington); a son, Keith (Lexington) and six grandchildren. A celebration of Chamblin's life will be held at a later date. In lieu of flowers, the family requests any donations be made to Old Friends Thoroughbred Retirement Farm (www.oldfriendsequine.org).

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ARCI Preparing Analysis Of New Integrity Bill; Breeders To Pay For Anti-Doping, Medication Enforcement

The newly proposed legislation, the “Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act,” by Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell will, for the first time, put the Thoroughbred breeding industry under racing regulation and require breeders help pay for the sport's anti-doping and medication enforcement programs.

An analysis is being prepared on behalf of the Association of Racing Commissioners International so the group can prepare for a “smooth transition” should the measure be enacted.

In December, 2017 the ARCI called for closing the “regulatory gap” to better protect horses by requiring oversight – publicly or privately – of those segments of the industry that do not fall under the authority of a state racing commission. Such expansion of regulatory authority at the state or federal level would require legislation and industry support, which did not materialize.

The McConnell bill falls short of what the ARCI had envisioned, but does require Breeders register with the newly formed NGO (non-governmental organization) and to be considered as “covered persons” eligible for assessments to help pay for the proposed Authority and its Enforcement Agency. Costs associated with this program have yet to be disclosed but are expected to be in excess of the total funds now being paid by all the state agency programs currently in existence. Costs assessed by the new Authority may depend on the extent to which the existing state based enforcement infrastructure is used.

The bill also requires the disclosure of horses that have been treated with bisphosphonate drugs.

In July, 2019, the ARCI formally requested The Jockey Club institute a private program of equine welfare regulation using their existing authority and special status in all state racing rulebooks. No federal or state legislation would be required for such a program.

The ARCI advocated for horses not yet under the jurisdiction of a racing commission to require submission of all veterinary records and perform suitability reviews that could be used to better identify horses in need of increased monitoring as a safeguard. “The brutal reality is that some horses needs to be monitored more aggressively and this can only be done by an entity with existing authority to do so or with one specifically empowered by statute,” Martin said, noting that RCI continues to assess whether the McConnell bill will accomplish this.

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It’s Time For USTA To Support The Horseracing Integrity And Safety Act

We've reached a critical stage in the debate over pending federal legislation that would bring sweeping and needed change to the way horse racing operates in America. The current bill, now called the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act, is supported by hundreds of legislators, horse owners and breeders across the country, the Humane Society, and countless other people across all breeds who believe that only national oversight can begin to fix what's broken in our sport and provide the political and legal cover needed to sustain racing in the future.

One of the loudest voices in opposition to the federal legislation is the United States Trotting Association, led by its president, Russell Williams, who has been crusading for years in opposition to proposed federal reforms. He seems to believe that the bill poses an existential threat to harness racing. He seems to believe that state racing commissions are worth fixing. He seems to believe that harness racing has been shunned through the process by which the legislation has evolved. And Williams is not alone. Other members of the harness racing family seem to have swallowed what Williams is serving and also loudly oppose the legislation.

To them, I say this: don't follow the USTA and Williams over the cliff. There is too much at stake. The existential threat to harness racing is not this legislation. It is not the arrival of federal regulatory power or tweaks to Lasix rules. The existential threat to harness racing instead is the USTA's opposition to this legislation. It makes harness racing a laughing stock in the broader world of racing, gives the legislators we are begging for purse subsidies a reason to deny them, and animal rights activists new causes of action to imperil racing. I believe Williams is sincere. I also believe he is dead wrong. You can be both.

And to the broader world of horse racing, and especially to lawmakers in Washington and state houses across the country, I say this: The USTA doesn't speak for all in harness racing. There are many industry leaders – owners and breeders and trainers and drivers and administrators – who see this imperfect legislation as a timely opportunity to send a message to legislators and the public that harness racing recognizes its integrity and safety problems and is willing to do something bold to solve them. Their voices deserve to be heard, too, as this debate moves toward a conclusion. I hope people of goodwill are listening. You'll be hearing more from us in the coming days.

I think Williams and the USTA are wrong on the merits of the bill but at least I understand the specific arguments they are making against it. What I don't understand is the USTA's refusal  to work with other industry stakeholders to improve the legislation now likely to pass. The USTA's decision to act as an outlier, no matter how principled Williams thinks it is, is a catastrophic mistake that exposes harness racing, and it alone, to punishment by legislators and activists. The USTA looks at the legislation only as opposing counsel would. But there was never an industry-wide discussion, or vote, on whether that's what the rest of us want.

Here's an example of what I mean. The current version of the legislation, introduced a few weeks ago in the Senate, includes several meaningful concessions (on Lasix, for example)  that ought to have made the bill more palatable to the USTA. It didn't. Williams last week offered the same old, tired objections to the new and improved bill. Invited to compromise, to work to make the legislation better, Williams instead doubled-down. Faced with the same choice, on the other hand, what did the Jockey Club do? It wanted a full ban on Lasix, right? It didn't get that. Yet It accepted a much more limited ban. It's at the table, negotiating, while the USTA is threatening a costly lawsuit. Whose members are best being served?

Let's take some of Williams' points one by one. He says that state racing commissions are “accountable” to elected officials and that the new legislation would create a federal regulatory system, through the Federal Trade Commission, that would be “passive and symbolic at most.” Great talking points – sure to resonate with horsemen skeptical of federal power. But the opposite is true. Surely if you have read this far you know from your own experience that the lack of accountability and diligence among racing commissions is one of the major reasons why racing integrity is such a problem in our sport.

Pick a state, any state with horse racing, and you can argue the regulatory scheme there is broken by perennial cronyism and a level of bureaucratic inertia and incompetence that would be shocking if it weren't so ordinary. That's why there is still so much cheating and so little done to stop it. Does anyone deny that? When Williams says that racing commission members are basing their decisions on their “immense learning and experience” he's asking us all to stop believing what we are seeing with our own eyes and hearing with our own ears. And he's leading the industry toward a path where it will become a club sport.

Does anyone think that the USTA has some sort of magic plan to fix what horse racing has failed to fix in racing commissions for half a century? If so, I haven't seen it. Look at New York, for example. Where is the “immense learning and expertise” among state regulators there? The FTC, meanwhile, which Williams calls “passive and symbolic,” has been around for more than 100 years and regularly presses to enforce criminal and civil penalties. What's “'passive and symbolic” are the failed racing commissions the USTA inexplicably wants to rescue.

Williams complains that the bill “makes a couple of head fakes in the direction of breed-specific rules, but it lacks the mandatory language necessary to make sure the Authority makes such rules where appropriate.” Here's what the bill now actually says: “Consideration of other breeds. — In developing the horseracing anti-doping and medication control program with respect to a breed of horse that is made subject to this Act by election of a State racing commission or the breed governing organization for such horse under section 5(k), the Authority shall consider the unique characteristics of such breed.” (Emphasis added).

Conjuring up old grudges with the RMTC, which only he cares about, Williams next says that those who support the new rules on Lasix now in the legislation are buying into a “hoax” cobbled together by our friends in the Thoroughbred industry. But successful Lasix-free racing in the rest of the world is no hoax. Nor is it universally agreed that Lasix is not a “performance enhancing” drug or that it doesn't mask blood doping. Nor is it a “public distraction,” as Williams says. There are plenty of reasonable people who believe that administering a diuretic to a horse before the race itself raises concerns about animal cruelty.

Under the new version of the bill, in one of its most significant recent compromises in the USTA's favor, states could request a three-year delay in prohibiting Lasix within 48 hours of a race except on 2-year-olds and in stakes races. That three-year period would be used to further study the effect of Lasix on horses and, perhaps, to put to rest the contentious medical and scientific debate on the topic. The federal authority created by the new law would then have the opportunity to modify the 48-hour Lasix rule. Does that sound unreasonable to you? Enough to spend millions litigating over?

Williams complains about the funding mechanism in the bill, arguing that the harness industry will be disproportionately and unfairly taxed compared with our Thoroughbred cousins. He keeps harping on a figure he has made up – $13 million, by multiplying a fee of $45 for every race – and suggesting that this will be the annual testing cost to harness racing for the rest of time. But there is nothing in the text of the law that mandates this disparity or that cost. And certainly nothing that guarantees the Thoroughbred industry will benefit to our detriment.

My sense instead, from talking to many people involved in this debate, is that there are discussions to use a sort of scale that would distribute drug testing costs more equally across breeds in the new legislation. Why the USTA is not involved in these discussions, or no longer involved, is a question the association ought to answer before it resumes its propaganda offensive against the Integrity Act. It's certainly a question the USTA ought to answer for itself before it commits millions to lawyers to try to overturn a well-meant law.

On the topic of fees, by the way, in the last 15 years I have yet to meet another owner who has said that he or she wouldn't be willing to spend a little more to try to make the sport more fair. Owners, like everyone else in the industry, need to put their money where their mouths are for the greater good. Here's an idea. Instead of spending $425,000 on lawyers to prepare for an attack on the constitutionality of the proposed law (which the association did in April even as it was cutting salaries) the USTA could have instead, for starters, created a fund to help defray the costs of the drug testing under the federal regime.

Williams next argues that USADA's program is not set up to perform the broad drug testing the new law would require. But there is nothing in the new bill that limits the ability of the federal drug testers to contract with other labs across the country, providing they are accredited, to perform the necessary testing. And then Williams complains again about the USTA losing its voice in a process that will directly impact harness racing. He's complaining here about a problem he himself has created. Our voices would be heard if not for the USTA.

The USTA has been invited to have a voice in this legislation, which now includes a provision that makes it clear that the authority established by the law won't be dominated by the leaders of any one breed. Standardbreds aren't specifically included in the bill now because of the USTA's relentless opposition to it. Fortunately, however, there is an opt-in provision in the law that makes it easy for the USTA to join the coalition of racing entities willing to work within the framework of the legislation once it is passed. The door is open, in other words.

Having chosen to oppose the bill, Williams now laments the fact that harness racing won't be able to control its own destiny if it passes. While the USTA prepares for litigation, meanwhile, I am told that members of the Quarter Horse racing community already have met, or will meet, to coordinate how they plan to “opt in” to the law. They surely aren't thrilled with everything in the law. They, like the harness industry, are not explicitly included in the current bill. Yet they are coming to the table, working within the framework of the bill, which by the way will only further isolate the USTA and make harness racing a rich political and economic target.

Take New Jersey, for example, Representatives of the harness industry are now lobbying legislators to restore millions of dollars in crucial funding that helps fuel racing's economic engine in the Garden State. It is a particularly tough sell these days with the state's budget overwhelmed by the coronavirus. The USTA's choice to oppose the new Integrity Act, and to prepare to litigate over it, gives an easy out to any state legislator who is on the fence about voting to help harness racing: “Oh, you don't support the wildly popular, bipartisan congressional effort to make your sport more safe and fair? Why should I give you a dime?”

None of this is to say that the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act is perfect. It' isn't. It does raise serious questions that ought to be answered sooner rather than later. But no legislation is perfect. Laws always include compromises between and among competing factions. This law will not do all it must do to rid the sport of cheaters and protect the horses we love. But the federal bill represents meaningful change. It will bring more uniformity to racing. It will upset the failed old system of state racing commissions. It will make it harder for cheaters to prosper. It will make it easier for those who endanger our horses to be caught.

There are many prominent voices in harness racing who want the USTA, at a minimum, to work alongside all the other stakeholders to try to make this legislation stronger and more fair. That this isn't happening, right now, before the legislation passes, is a crying shame but no great surprise. Some of the same folks who helped make harness racing vulnerable to questions of integrity, and viability, are the very ones who now are preaching that the new solutions included in the Integrity Act won't work. The problem isn't the legislation. The problem is USTA leadership, never missing an opportunity to miss an opportunity.

Andrew Cohen is a Standardbred owner and breeder.

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