Private Property Rights Under HISA

The legal threads connecting the rights of licensees to ply their trade and racetrack owners to police their grounds have been pulled tighter than a rip cord these past few years, thanks to a series of high-profile battles involving Hall of Famers Jerry Hollendorfer and Bob Baffert.

These same threads hamstrung the years-long dispute between California's trainers and racetracks about what should be written into the race-meet agreement about fair procedures for trainers facing potential banishment from a facility.

It all boils down to this: How best to balance the rights of track owners to protect their businesses from bad actors alongside the rights of trainers and others from becoming targets of arbitrary bans—actions with often huge implications for their professional futures?

As Jan. 1 looms, when the full remit of the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act (HISA) is scheduled to go into effect—including most crucially HISA's anti-doping and medication control program—how will federal oversight of the sport alter exclusionary rights, if at all?

“HISA is finalizing its policies in this area and will have more to share in the weeks ahead,” wrote HISA spokesperson, Liz Beadle, when TDN asked to discuss the issue with a HISA representative.

So instead, the TDN reached out to three legal experts in the field. Their main takeaway? Other than a tightened regulatory world, don't expect much to alter—at least for now.

“I don't think it will really change the legal analysis,” said Bennett Liebman, Government Lawyer in Residence at Albany Law School and an adjunct professor of law.

Nuances

First and foremost, “I don't think HISA preempts the common-law right of a racetrack to exclude someone for whatever reason they want absent some protective civil right,” said Alan Foreman, CEO and chairman of the Thoroughbred Horsemen's Association (THA).

This means that if a track or racing association decides that a trainer has contravened moral or ethical boundaries—irrespective of whether that same person has fallen foul of any rules and regulations—they have the authority to do so independent of HISA, Foreman said.

“HISA can regulate in areas which they're authorized to regulate, but they can't tell me who I have to allow on my property and who I don't,” Foreman said.

Such actions are rarely cut and dried, of course.

Private properties are required to afford licensees the legal framework of “fair procedure” when seeking to bar them from their grounds. For a state agency—including a quasi-state agency non-profit organization like the New York Racing Association (NYRA)—the legal standard is “due process and equal protection.”

With this in mind, racetracks try not to specify detailed reasons for excluding an individual “in almost all cases,” said Liebman.

“When they do that,” Liebman explained, “there's potential that they might damage the individual's reputation and perhaps give way to constitutional protections.”

Therefore, “the normal approach by most racetracks is to say, 'you're being excluded for our best business interests,'” said Liebman. And he doesn't expect that broad legal dynamic to change much under HISA.

There are nuances, of course.

Even if a racetrack in West Virginia or Pennsylvania excludes a licensee from its grounds, that licensee can then petition the racing commissions in those states to overturn the ban, said Foreman.

In the hypothetical scenario a racetrack in those two states excludes a licensee for a reason that falls under the remit of HISA—for a welfare and safety related issue, for example—and the licensee then tries to take their case to the requisite commission, the relevant track “is going to make the argument that HISA deprives the racing commissions of any jurisdiction over drugs and safety,” said Liebman.

“I don't think it's going to be successful,” Liebman added, about such an argument made by the tracks. “But they're going to raise it.”

Foreman is less sure. Although HISA pre-empts state law, he said, it's unclear whether HISA nullifies the right of those commissions to independently arbitrate track exclusions in their jurisdiction.

“Maybe HISA does have the right to stand in that area,” he wondered. “Maybe not.”

Right of Private Property

This leads to another hypothetical.

In the event a racetrack in other states excludes a licensee for a reason that falls under HISA's regulatory umbrella, there's a strong possibility that person will litigate the action on grounds that HISA should be the one to adjudicate the alleged offense, not the track owners.

“If I was a lawyer representing an individual, I'd argue, “HISA does have jurisdiction here, and HISA has to tell the track what to do because HISA preempts state law,'” said Foreman.

But even then, individual tracks wield enormous legal clout, Foreman added. “If I'm the track, I'd say, 'I'm not acting under state law, I'm acting under right of private property.'”

As Foreman sees it, a more streamlined regulatory environment under HISA—including more expeditious case handling times—should negate the need for tracks to weed-out so-called bad actors (more on this in a bit).

“I think the actions the tracks have been taking recently is because they thought the regulatory system was failing to address offenders, multiple offenders, or those who were giving the industry a bad name,” said Foreman.

As such, “I think it's unlikely we're going to see tracks take actions against individuals because of their records,” said Foreman.

“I think with the enactment of HISA and the implementation of HISA, that probably goes away somewhat,” he added, “unless HISA's a failure.”

But how much latitude does HISA really have in this sphere?

 

Fair Procedure

Earlier this year, trainer Juan Pablo Silva was handed a 180-day ban from Turf Paradise after a 1-20 shot he trained and owned was pulled up and eased shortly after the start of a race.

This past June, trainer Marcus Vitali reached an undisclosed settlement with NYRA, after the latter claimed the trainer had “engaged in conduct that is detrimental to the best interests of the sport of Thoroughbred racing or potentially injurious to the health or safety of horses or riders.”

These two trainers subsequently found a home at Mountaineer—alongside another trainer, Burton Sipp, who has faced multiple allegations involving insurance scams and dead horses, animal neglect cases at a zoo he operated, race-fixing stings and regulatory malfeasance over a 40 year period.

Interestingly, Vitali and Silva have recently saddled horses at Turf Paradise, which kick-started its latest 2022-2023 winter meet on Nov. 4.

The question raised by the professional conduct and inter-state activities of these individuals is this: Does HISA have legal sway to independently step in and exclude licensees it deems a detriment to racing's image when a racetrack fails to do so?

For many watching HISA closely, this particular question is where the rubber meets the road.

There's language in the rules that appears to give HISA fairly broad authority over conduct detrimental to the sport and to equine welfare. As Foreman explains it, however, HISA has the ability to “fine, suspend, or revoke registration” from a licensee registered with HISA, but only if that individual is found guilty of violating stipulated HISA rules, and afforded due process.

Ultimately, “If a person is suspended, that's HISA's jurisdiction. HISA is the new national racing commission,” Foreman said, before hammering home how “that has nothing to do with a track's private property rights.”

An important caveat is that every licensee begins life under HISA with a clean slate.

“Remember, everybody starts at zero when the medication rules go into effect on January 1,” said Foreman. “They're not allowed to take into account their prior record.”

And Foreman said he is hopeful that HISA's new stricter set of rules and sanctions in general will motivate better overall standards of equine care.

One salient example of how this stricter regulatory theater will look surrounds Boldenone, an anabolic steroid better known as Equipoise.

In September, the stewards at Gulfstream Park suspended trainer Nagib Aboughaida 15-days and fined him $500 for a Boldenone positive. Under HISA, Boldenone is a prohibited substance, a positive for which necessitates an ineligibility period of up to 14 months.

Still, beyond the purview of actionable conduct, HISA's wrists are still fairly tightly tied, Foreman conceded. This of course includes there being “no mandatory reciprocity among racetracks if a racetrack chooses to exclude an individual for reasons it determines are appropriate,” Foreman added.

“That will still remain moving forward.”

Penalties for Equine Injuries?

That's not to say HISA doesn't have the potential authority to exclude trainers for actions or behaviors that aren't currently specific violations, said Drew Couto, an attorney who has represented trainer Jerry Hollendorfer in the many-splintered litigations stemming from his exclusion from The Stronach Group facilities in June of 2019.

The trick, Couto said, will be to devise a set of objective criteria to specifically delineate expectations of ethical equine care.

Crucially, such criteria must be relayed to trainers and others in clear, easily understandable fashion, said Couto.

“I don't think somebody should be left alone without any idea that their license is in jeopardy and all of a sudden be blind-sided,” said Couto.

In other words, “being congratulated one week in the winner's circle for your winners, and then the next week being told you've got to get out of Dodge,” Couto added.

In this regard, what HISA would have to do is similar to what the California Horse Racing Board (CHRB) attempted last year, when proposing regulations that would have penalized trainers for certain equine injuries or fatalities.

The CHRB shelved that idea in favor of a blue-ribbon panel to review equine injuries, stymied—at least for now—by the practicalities of framing sanctionable regulations around what is often such a nuanced and multi-faceted issue.

As for HISA intervening in private property matters, Couto believes that in the early days of the law, the new federal Authority will prove reluctant to weigh in on many matters where licensees have been excluded from private facilities.

Absent that clear set of standards in cases where licensees haven't broken any specific rules, “I suspect HISA's not going to want to jump into the deep end of that pool—not at the outset,” said Couto. “Their lawyers are going to say, 'do we want to be the defendants in a Jerry Hollendorfer-type of case?'”

Given the sheer scale of litigation costs as well as the enormity of the undertaking still ahead in ensuring that HISA works as intended, said Couto, “does HISA want that?”

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Bennett Liebman: New Fifth Circuit Ruling ‘Uphill Fight’ for HISA

With just over a month before the racetrack safety component of the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act (HISA) is set to go into effect, two separate lawsuits cast looming shadows over the program's legal and operational future.

One of the suits challenging HISA's constitutionality was filed by the National Horsemen's Benevolent and Protective Association (NHBPA).

In March, United States District Court Judge James Wesley Hendrix dismissed the suit finding that while HISA pushes boundaries of public-private collaboration, the law as constructed stays within the current constitutional limitation. The NHBPA subsequently filed an appeal with the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.

The other federal lawsuit was filed by the state of Oklahoma in the United States District Court, Eastern Division of Kentucky. That case has yet to be adjudicated.

To get the skinny on the status of the two cases, along with the implications from the ruling in the HBPA case, TDN spoke with Bennett Liebman, government lawyer in residence at the Government Law Center of Albany Law School. He previously served as the deputy secretary for gaming and racing for Governor Andrew Cuomo and was a member of the state's Racing and Wagering Board.

The biggest takeaway from the conversation? Liebman said that a ruling from earlier in the week in the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals concerning the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has essentially thrown HISA a curveball.

In short, the Fifth Circuit judges ruled that Congress' delegation of legislative power to the SEC was unconstitutional as it failed to “provide an intelligible principle by which the SEC would exercise the delegated power.”

Substitute the SEC with the Federal Trade Commission (FTC)–the government body given ultimate oversight over HISA–and the ruling has connotations for the HBPA case as it awaits adjudication before the Fifth Circuit, said Liebman.

TDN: Where do the two lawsuits currently stand?
   BL: The national HBPA case has been appealed to the 5th Circuit. The other case, the Oklahoma case, is still before the district court in Kentucky.

TDN: You mentioned there's a new ruling in the 5th Circuit that you say could prove very problematic for HISA. What is that case and why could it prove problematic?
BL: The Fifth Circuit in a decision in the case of Jarkesy versus the Security and Exchange Commission found that Congress unconstitutionally delegated legislative power to the SEC by failing to provide an intelligible principle under which the SEC could utilize its power. These powers have traditionally been regarded as constitutional.
Now, the delegation to HISA–what appears to be a non-government agency–is really broader than the delegation to the SEC. So, at least as far as the Fifth Circuit, which is generally considered to be the most conservative of the federal circuits, HISA's constitutionality is going to face a very, very difficult battle.
By this, I mean their delegation standard would be very, very difficult for the supporters of HISA to maintain. HISA's going to have an uphill fight in the Fifth circuit.

TDN: For people like me and some of our readers scratching our heads about the intelligible principle, could you just outline what the intelligible principle is, why it's important?
BL: Since 1928, the United States Supreme Court has said that while only Congress can make a law, Congress can also delegate its powers to the president and to administrative agencies. So long as there is an intelligible principle under which the president or the administrative authorities act, the delegation is valid. This standard has not been considered to be an onerous requirement. Since the Depression era, the Supreme Court has not struck down a statute for failure to state an intelligible principle.
Normally, in the horse racing world a delegation “in the best interest of horse racing” suffices at a governmental level to be an intelligible principle. But this [new ruling] is a very in-depth look at limiting delegations of authority [by Congress]. And it could, especially as it pertains to the HBPA case, prove problematic for HISA.

TDN: Essentially what you're saying is this ruling could act as a precedent as and when the Fifth Circuit adjudicates the HBPA's appeal?
BL: Yes, definitely. This is a very broad ruling basically limiting delegation by Congress to agencies, as well as to non-governmental agencies that are affiliated with [government] agencies, as HISA is with the FTC.
It really could prove troublesome for HISA. Other circuits might not agree. But at least at the Fifth Circuit level, this has now become a very difficult case for the supporters of HISA's constitutionality.

TDN: Could this prove the death knell for HISA? Or are there changes they can make to adjust, and sort of fix, its operating framework?
BL: They could try to make adjustments. Even if the [courts] do find HISA unconstitutional, they might be able to get a stay. They might try to find some way to move it to the Supreme Court as quickly as possible. It's obviously not the death knell, but it's truly troublesome.

TDN: In regards the HBPA's appeal, what are some of the potential outcomes?
BL: They could affirm the trial court's decision. They could find it totally unconstitutional. They could find parts of it unconstitutional and sever those parts from the rest of the law. Look, the [Fifth Circuit] decision yesterday really is truly potentially very damaging to HISA. I don't think I can understate it.

TDN: Could either the SEC case or the HBPA case eventually go before the Supreme Court?
BL: They certainly could, and if they did, we might have a better understanding of the Supreme Court's view of the delegation of powers to administrative agencies and agencies like HISA.
The fact is, there's now a majority of Supreme Court justices that have come out against the intelligible principle test under which almost all delegations have been found constitutional for the last 85 years. And so, you know, you don't know what could come out of a Supreme Court review of HISA.

TDN: But again, are there fixes that can be made to HISA's structural framework?
BL: My thought was that even if the Supreme Court or a court of appeals found aspects of HISA unconstitutional, then it might be able to be fixed by certain legislative actions.
Right now, the FTC does not have power to promulgate its own rules on drugs and safety. You could give them [that] power. You could give the FTC power over the terms and ethics of the members of HISA. You could add more non-affiliated, independent members to the authority.
The other problem, of course, is we don't have a rational congressional system that could make these fixes that would keep HISA running. So, as always in the law, we just don't know what's going to happen next.

TDN: Does this ruling from yesterday or the prior decision in the HBPA's case have any impact on the Oklahoma case?
BL: The Kentucky court looking at the Oklahoma case could certainly cite the lower court decision in the HBPA case and use that as a precedent for upholding HISA. I don't think they would go into the Fifth Circuit's decision on the Securities and Exchange Commission.

 

TDN: Has a date been set for the appeal hearing by the 5th Circuit?
BL: Not that I can determine. I'm restricted to a very limited review of documents that have been submitted. I mean, the parties to the case would know what's going on.

TDN: Prior to the SEC ruling this week, which of the two cases, the Oklahoma case or the HBPA case, did you think was more likely to go before the Supreme Court?
BL: It had looked as if the Oklahoma case was perhaps the more significant case. Look at all the parties involved in that case, including all the amicus curiae briefs submitted by everybody, from the sponsors of the legislation, the Jockey Club, prominent owners, prominent breeders, against on the other side a ton of states and the United States Trotting Association. I had thought that there would be more significant legal interest in the Oklahoma case.
I think I pointed out in the speech I gave to the ARCI that the name of the case was Oklahoma against the United States, but that there were actually more parties in that case than there are characters in the musical, Oklahoma.

TDN: But now you're saying all bets are off thanks to yesterday's ruling?
BL: Yes. I mean, as far as I can see this is really a major decision by the Fifth Circuit on the limits of how Congress goes about apportioning power to administrative agencies.

TDN: As you had said earlier, the current makeup of the Supreme Court is such that there…
BL: There is a majority that have at various points rejected–and that doesn't include justice [Amy Coney] Barrett–the reliance on the intelligible principle standard. But will they go as far as the Fifth Circuit? Who knows?

TDN: If they did, this could all take years to play out though, right? What happens to HISA in the meantime?
BL: Oh God, who knows? It's law; it's not something you should bet on.

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Year Into NY Jockey Saga, Change Moves at Glacial Pace

One year ago, a decades-old state requirement in New York that mandates that same-race mounts of married jockeys be coupled in pari-mutuel wagering cost the state an estimated $4.2 million in lost betting handle.

That same rule also caused two well-respected, just-married riders–Katie Davis and Trevor McCarthy–to uproot their lives during the middle of a pandemic, necessitating them to move from New York to California to try and earn livings by riding where no such restrictions exist.

In the midst of that upheaval, a New York lawmaker whose district includes Saratoga Race Course crafted a small but sensible piece of legislation to eliminate the spousal rule, which had widely been criticized as being outdated and sexist. That measure sailed unanimously through both the Assembly and Senate last spring.

But on Oct. 25, the bill was surprisingly vetoed by New York Governor Kathy Hochul, who explained that she would instead be directing the New York State Gaming Commission (NYSGC) to review the “continued need for mandatory coupling and the circumstances under which such a requirement might be relaxed.”

That directive by the governor nearly three months ago was what brought together a collection of Thoroughbred industry stakeholders, regulators, and track officials for a 90-minute NYSGC  videoconference hearing Tuesday morning to debate the issue of spousal mutuel couplings and related integrity issues that might pertain to newly legalized sports betting.

For the record, not a single speaker advocated in favor of keeping the antiquated rule as it's written. Nor did any participant cite any alleged harms that might result from relaxing it by allowing married jockeys to ride against each other as separate betting interests–just like sibling jockeys do, or unmarried but co-habitating riders are permitted to do, in New York.

But there were enough ideas brought up during the discussion to provide some traction for change.

They included the potential for New York's current rule to be eventually superseded by a national set of uniform rules that don't even mention restrictions on married riders; allowing New York's stewards to apply the existing rule at their discretion while informing the general public about perceived conflicts when married jockeys ride against one another, or doing away with all mutuel couplings altogether while letting the bettor beware.

The Jan. 11 hearing also unfolded against the backdrop of legalized sports wagering having just gone live in New York three days previously, and there was plenty of talk about how the NYSGC has no restrictions on its books about taking action on sports contests that involve family members.

Bennett Liebman, a New York attorney who is widely considered an expert on the intersection of horse racing, gambling, and New York State government, said one potential solution involved having the NYSGC follow the example of other international jurisdictions by restricting how and when “insiders” can bet (regardless of marital status) and more strictly policing instances of “improper assistance” or perceived collusion (by anyone) in races.

“If we want to avoid even the perception of conflicted loyalties, we need to have stronger rules and greater enforcement,” Liebman said, noting that he “prays for” an eventual implementation of national uniform rules to replace America's longstanding state-by-state patchwork of regulation.

Mindy Coleman, an attorney representing The Jockeys' Guild, said her organization advocates for a more flexible version of the current rule that would allow stewards discretion in mandating spousal mutuel couplings while keeping the betting public informed whenever spouses ride against one another.

“The stewards would still have the ability to couple entries in the event that it was deemed necessary if there are any concerns with inappropriate actions between the two parties that are related,” Coleman said.

Carrie Woerner, the Assemblywoman representing New York's District 113 who filed the vetoed spousal uncoupling bill last year, called the status quo “unfair and unjust.”

Woerner added that, “It treats married jockeys and members of their households differently than other participants in racing, and it does so based solely on marital status. The rule pre-supposes match fixing proclivities in married persons, and assesses a penalty in advance of guilt.”

Like Coleman, Woerner recommended public disclosure–which was in her bill as being the responsibility of tracks. She said a notation in the program would likely suffice.

But Liebman pointed out that while disclosure may be necessary in theory, it doesn't work well in practice within the world of racing.

“Disclosure failed at the Breeders' Cup in November in the [GI] Juvenile Turf race [when] few knew the betting status of the eventual winner,” Liebman said. “We've had ample experience in New York to know that late rider, equipment, and gelding changes have never been communicated well… Getting an announcement at the track is like getting an announcement at a subway station. And in these days of mobile betting, these announcements are even less likely to reach the intended audience.”

As several speakers pointed out, New York's stewards already have broad powers when officiating races to investigate any alleged collusion, so why is the extra layer of the spousal rule even necessary when it diminishes the number of betting interests, and thus the revenue that goes to purses?

How Did NY Arrive Here?…

New York's spousal mutuel coupling rule was essentially a non-issue until it became a focal point of intense scrutiny in early 2021, when it affected the newly married McCarthy and Davis, who had then just moved their tacks from Maryland to New York.

Although the couple had ridden against each other numerous times while dating, when Davis and McCarthy began competing in common races at Aqueduct, it triggered the application of little-used rule 4025.10 (f), which states, “All horses trained or ridden by a spouse, parent, issue or member of a jockey's household shall be coupled in the betting with any horse ridden by such jockey.”

So on 41 occasions between Jan. 1 and Mar. 21, 2021, McCarthy and Davis's mounts in common races at Aqueduct necessitated a 1 and 1A coupling. A rough estimate of lost betting handle based on multiplying Aqueduct's winter/spring per-entrant handle of $103,000 by 41 resulted in a $4.2 million loss.

The rule was not only widely criticized by the general public, but it caused confusion among bettors, plus reams of bad press for Aqueduct (whose officials stated there was nothing they could do to change the law) and the NYSGC (which did not address the controversy during any open, public meetings).

By February 2021, Davis was claiming that Aqueduct racing office workers were pressuring trainers into not naming her on mounts so that field sizes would not be artificially reduced, an allegation that a track spokesperson denied at the time. She switched to accepting mounts in Maryland Apr. 8 while McCarthy continued to ride in New York.

On May 9, Davis announced on Twitter that she and McCarthy were expecting a child, and she stopped riding in races. Shortly thereafter, the couple relocated to Southern California, and McCarthy began riding on that circuit May 28. But after his record dipped to 9-for-156, he hurt an ankle and missed nearly three months while recovering from surgery.

The couple moved back to New York, where McCarthy resumed riding Nov. 18. Davis gave birth to a daughter Dec. 21.

'Laughable' in Other Sports…

William Gotimer, a Saratoga-based attorney who represents Davis, said at the hearing that if the NYSGC was serious about protecting bettors, why does it continue to allow in-state residents to wager on simulcasts from other states in which there are no restrictions that keep married jockeys from riding uncoupled against one another?

“While the commission takes great umbrage at the suggestions that this discriminatory regulation is aimed at women, there is no question that it has a disproportionate impact on women,” Gotimer said. “As such, it is my belief that it likely violates both the United States and the New York State's constitution as an example of government overreach.

“The commission seeks to justify the harm this regulation rains down on married riders and the racing industry by alleging this regulation protects the betting public against dishonest, married riders,” Gotimer said. “It is a little more than telling that the commission seeks to assure gamblers that it is protecting them by admitting that it is impotent to otherwise effectively police dishonesty or wrongdoing.”

Gotimer also added that it would be “laughable” to think that after having just legalized sports betting, the NYSGC might all of a sudden step in and say it will impose similar wagering restrictions on athletes who, for example, play in contests either against or on the same team with their siblings.

But Joe Appelbaum, the president of the New York Thoroughbred Horsemen's Association, suggested that the NYSGC might truly have to consider those other potential conflicts in sports betting. He cited integrity instances in which teams are believed to be intentionally losing or “tanking” to get higher draft picks, or when winning teams bench star players in pre-playoff games where finishing higher in the standings doesn't matter. Should the public be allowed to bet on those events?

“We have to decide, is integrity the most important thing that we're talking about, and enforce that across all sports, instead of just in one sport?” Appelbaum asked. “Horse racing, in many ways, has had a much higher regulatory structure and a much higher bar to cross. Even though that might not be the popular perception, it's the actual truth.

“Our recommendation, in addition to having no coupled entries at all, would be to have a thorough review of all the gaming regulations involving wagering to make sure they're consistent across sports,” Appelbaum said.

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When It Comes To HISA, Much Of What We Know Is How Much We Don’t Know

At this point, the feasibility of the July 2022 deadline for implementation of the Horseracing Integrity and Safety Act is a matter of conjecture. According to panelists and audience members at the Racing and Gaming Conference at Saratoga Aug. 16, there's a wide range of opinions on whether the legislation (which was signed into law at the end of 2020) is a good idea, where its greatest legal and logistical challenges may lie, and whether it will make its deadline.

First, it's helpful to understand the basic definitions in the law, according to Pat Cummings, executive director of the Thoroughbred Idea Foundation. The law will apply to “covered horses,” “covered races,” and “covered persons.” Covered horses are any Thoroughbred from the time they post their first timed workout until the authority receives official notice of their retirement from racing. Covered races are those with parimutuel wagering, which means fair circuit races and steeplechase races are not automatically included. Covered persons, Cummings pointed out, includes the usual positions already licensed by state racing commissions like trainers, owners, jockeys, etc., but also includes breeders.

Cummings pointed out that currently, breeders are not licensed by state racing commissions, though in some states they may face action from their state breed organizations if they violate certain rules as members. This creates some confusion, since the federal law also places restrictions on use of bisphosphonates, which many in the industry say have been used on sales yearlings in an attempt to improve the appearance of pre-sale radiographs.

“Some of us argue that you're still leaving breeders out by conferring jurisdiction when a horse has its first workout, which means you're leaving a gap from the time the horse is born,” said panelist Alan Foreman, chairman and CEO of the Thoroughbred Horsemen's Association. “The response is that there's language about unfair and deceptive trade practices [which would apply].”

How widely that language or what may constitute “unfair and deceptive trade practices” could be applied is anyone's guess at this stage.

One of the biggest concerns shared by many industry onlookers is what the new organization will cost, and who will pay for it. Cummings said horseplayers largely assume the bill will fall to them.

“I think the bettors would suggest they are already paying for it, based on takeout,” Cummings said. “There is a fear amongst bettors that increasing takeout will come as a means to pay for these programs.”

Racing commissions don't know what they would be charged to outsource pre- and post-race drug testing to a new authority, and some in states with smaller racing industries have expressed concerns that an increase in testing costs would bankrupt them. Ed Martin, president and CEO of the Association of Racing Commissioners International, was in the audience and noted that most state racing commissions he has spoken with are looking forward to the change and believe it will make regulation more cost-efficient for them, with a few exceptions.

Attorney Pete Sacopulos also wonders whether legal costs for smaller training operations will rise. Sacopulos laid out his interpretation of the way drug positive cases could be adjudicated under HISA. The current process (which varies somewhat by state) sees the stewards issue a ruling when they determine there has been a violation of racing rules. If the licensee appeals that decision, the case may go to an administrative law judge and/or the racing commission, on to the state judicial review process, on up to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Sacopulos' understanding of the federal law however, results in fewer choices for a trainer looking to appeal a finding. He believes HISA would hear a case, though it's unclear whether this would be done by a subcommittee or the overall board. This could be appealed, but it would be appealed most likely to office of administrative law judge housed under the Federal Trade Commission banner, since HISA falls under the FTC's purview. This would limit the pool of judges available to hear the case and therefore, restrict a defendant's choice if they wanted to request a different judge than the one assigned. Sacopulos also believes the administrative law judge would hold another hearing, including witnesses and a review of evidence, rather than reading through existing transcripts and motions from the original hearing the way state courts do now. He also said HISA doesn't seem to allow for mediation in such a case, which state and federal courts do.

If a trainer wants to continue appealing, Sacopulos said they would be requesting the FTC hear the case, which the organization could decline.

“You're not guaranteed a hearing from the FTC, let's be clear about that,” said Sacopulos, who said if the FTC chose not to hear a case, it would go straight to the U.S. Court of Appeals at the cost of $30,000 to $50,000 to the defendant. “How does a person with a minor overage operate in this system?

“They don't.”

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Foreman said he didn't agree with Sacopulos' interpretation of the process, but said both of them were speculating at this stage. He also pointed out that the vast majority of minor overages are for therapeutic substances and aren't appealed under the current system. Under USADA's regulation of human sport, Foreman also said “only a very small number of violations” are ever appealed past the USADA level, so it's not likely these limitations would meaningfully impact defendants, even if Sacopulos' interpretation is correct.

It all may be moot anyway, according to attorney Chris Kannady, state representative in Oklahoma. Oklahoma's racing commission is one of several bringing suit against the new authority, questioning whether it's legal to designate regulatory power to a private entity in the way HISA does.

Prominent attorney Bennett Liebman, government lawyer in residence at the Albany Law School, agreed that the U.S. Supreme Court has not made a ruling about this kind of delegation since 1936 and would likely be eager to review it, should that case come before them.

“It is probably unlikely that this will go into fruition in July 2022 as predicted,” said Kannady. “I just don't believe, given the circumstances legally and politically, that it will.”

Kannady predicted that state legislators in conservative states would likely not agree to delegate authority to any kind of federal authority. In Oklahoma, Kannady believes the bill would need support from at least 76 out of 101 state representatives. Eighty-two of the state representatives in the legislature are Republican, and Kannady doubts the increased costs that will come with HISA will be looked upon kindly by them.

Whatever problems there may be with the new law, some panelists expressed hope that the new authority could bring the sport back from what many see as the brink of disaster.

“We have not moved as society has moved in many respects,” said Foreman. “The public simply doesn't accept the way we do business … we have not been the same since 30 horses died on the racetrack at Santa Anita, because we couldn't explain it.

“This is a perfect storm. That's why this is happening.”

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